Indonesia Nervous As Suharto's Daughter Runs For President

by Kafil Yamin

Others, however, say it shows how much wider the democratic space has become in the five years since Suharto was ousted from power amid popular protests.

The irony of Suharto allies benefiting from democratic reforms is not lost on people like Ikrar Nusa Bhakti of the Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI), who says that the nomination of Siti Hardianti Rukamana, popularly known as 'Tutut', indeed signals the re-emergence of the old forces of Suharto's 'New Order' in the political arena.

Yet this is not something the reformists should worry about, Bhakti points out.

"As long as the 'reformasi' forces stick to their reformation agenda and ideals and are able to restore the economy, stability and give prosperity for the people, the old forces will not have a place in the people's heart," he said.

"But if they are not serious in fighting corruption, upholding principles of clean government, democracy and human rights and fail to bring the economy, social stability back to normal, then people will turn to the old forces," he added.

Tutut, Suharto's eldest daughter, was nominated by the newly established Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa (Work of Concern for the Nation Party) on Dec. 3. This party was founded by retired general Hartono, upon the request of former president Suharto.

The election on April 5 next year will be the first time that voters in this country of 220 million people will elect their president directly.

"I want to take part in the development of the nation. I am ready to serve the nation. I call on my people to unite. From now on, never fight each other, blame each other again. Let's sacrifice for the future of the nation," she said during the announcement of her nomination.

Many do look at such promises with a critical eye. Novi Maria Ulfah, a student of the Semarang-based State Islamic Institute, says Tutut's nomination represents the height of corrupt, oppressive and bloody power in the past. "She is part of a dynasty that made people suffer," she said.

But there is also a realisation that Indonesians often have a sense of disappointment with the difficult years that Indonesia has had after Suharto's ouster. This, they fear, may help stoke a desire for the old days that may now be seen as having been more stable.

Already, apart from Wiranto and Suharto's daughter, Akbar Tanjung, who used to head Suharto's Golkar party, is also eyeing for presidency. Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of Indonesia's founding president Sukarno, is also in the running. Bhakti says the present situation is cause for concern because "the economy remains in crisis, unemployment is rising, social conflict and communal clashes continue to happen. Corruption and rights abuse are even intensifying."

Looking back, the re-emergence of Suharto-era forces like his daughter or his former military chiefs says more about the difficulties of the road back to democracy than the strength of the Suharto-era groups or allies.

For instance, Bhakti says, Indonesia has yet to get full accountability from Suharto himself for three decades of iron-fisted rule marked by human rights violations. "I think the failure to bring Suharto to court is a great mistake of reformists," he said. This has a role in some people's yearning for a return of Suharto forces, he believes.

In the end, however, people like Dina Lia Ervina, a teacher in a private junior high school, said the key question is what Indonesia's aspiring leaders can do for its people and their quality of life.

"What is important for me, and think for many people, is that she or he has a high sense of responsibility to lead the nation to prosperity and has the capability of making this happen," Ervina added.

"The fact is that the situation now, under the reformists, is worse than the past. Everybody acknowledges it," she said, referring to the mix of economic, communal and social problems that the country is experiencing.

"I am not against or for Tutut's nomination as I am not against or for the reformist leadership as well. I am for good, clean and democratic government," Ervina pointed out.

In recent years too, reformist parties have been battered by internal conflicts and are facing dropping popularity because their involvement in money politics.

The Megawati-led Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) is embroiled in an internal power struggle between ministers who are seeking to discredit one another.

Kwik Kian Gee, state minister for national development planning, has openly called his own PDI-P party the most corrupt in the country. He said that such high levels of corruption would cause the party to disintegrate even before the 2004 elections.

Kwik stirred up a hornet's nest in Jakarta, where money politics runs thick, when he decided to break with the party whip. Other party leaders, including Taufik Kiemas, Megawati's husband, promptly labelled Kwik a traitor.

Equally worrisome, according to activist Agus Priyono of Bogor, West Java, is the fact that there has been little significant improvement in the people's political awareness in the post-Suharto years.

"People vote for a certain party or figure for a very practical consideration, that is, because the party or the figure gives a sum of money to them. Or at least they do it for economical consideration," he said.

"There are a few who are not money-minded. But there are a lot more who are," he added.

Voters like Dadang Kustiarto, a street food owner in Bandung, said he might vote for Tutut because he thinks a strong hand may be able to turn the country's economy around.

"Under Suharto's rule, the rupiah rate was only 2,400 against the U.S. dollar, now it is 8,500; the price of rice was only 600 rupiah per kilogramme, now it is 3,500. One sack of cement cost only 3,000 rupiah, now it is 28,000 rupiah," he said.

"Besides, violent communal clashes, anarchic rallies were rarely seen. We are tired of these petty, endless conflicts and uncertainty," Kustiarto added.