Colombian Paramilitary Group Finally Declared "Terrorist"

by Jim Lobe

Powell announced his decision September 10 as he prepared to embark on his debut trip to South America, where he planned to speak at length with Colombian President Andres Pastrana and other top Colombian civilian and military leaders.

In a formal statement, Powell charged the right-wing paramilitary group with being behind at least 75 massacres over the past year in which "hundreds of civilians" were killed.

"The AUC has carried out numerous acts of terrorism, including the massacre of hundreds of civilians, the forced displacement of entire villages, and the kidnapping of political figures to force recognition of AUC demands," he said.

"Beyond the legal ramifications of this decision, I hope this will leave no doubt that the United States considers terrorism to be unacceptable, regardless of the political or ideological purpose," he added.

The announcement, which came amid a review of Colombia policy by the administration of President George W. Bush, is not expected to have a major immediate impact on AUC operations.

Potentially, however, the announcement could undermine support for the AUC by Colombian businessmen who have backed the paramilitary organization, according to some analysts.

Under the law, individuals or groups believed to fund foreign terrorist groups can be arrested in the United States and their assets can be seized by U.S. authorities.

"Some of the people who finance AUC have interests all over Latin America and probably the United States," said Robin Kirk, a Colombia specialist at Human Rights Watch (HRW). "This may send a very strong warning to such people that they and their assets are more at risk than ever from some kind of U.S. action."

Kirk and other human rights activists called the move a "positive step," one they had urged Washington to take for several years as the death toll grew to staggering proportions.

Bush has asked Congress to provide some $500 million in aid -- roughly evenly divided between military and non-military assistance. This would be in addition to the $1.6 billion Congress approved last year for "Plan Colombia," which consists of mostly military aid -- including dozens of helicopters and training and equipment for three special anti-drug battalions -- to help the army gain control of guerrilla-dominated regions in southern Colombia, much of which are devoted to growing coca, the raw material for cocaine.

In addition to the new aid for Colombia, the administration also has asked Congress to approve $400 million -- also about equally divided between military and non-military assistance -- for Colombia's neighbors -- especially Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador -- to help them cope with the cross-border impact of the army's push into the South.

Latest reports indicate that the administration intends to ask for more aid for fiscal 2003, some of it in the form of training and supplies for at least one more anti-drug battalion. The Pentagon has said it is impressed with the improvement in recent months of the army's performance, particularly that of the anti-drug battalions trained under Plan Colombia.

Some Republican lawmakers and a recent report by the RAND Corporation, a think tank with strong links to the Pentagon, have urged a more fulsome embrace of the Colombian army, including direct support for the military's counter-insurgency operations. Until now, Washington has insisted that its military and intelligence support is confined to counter-drug efforts.

But the administration seems determined for now to resist a more aggressive approach, not only because of the fear of deepening U.S. involvement in a complicated civil war, but also because of continuing evidence of the army's support for the AUC.

Human rights groups both here and in Colombia have documented the complicity between military commanders and the AUC for years. Despite Pastrana's efforts to cut those ties, "collaboration remains rampant" between the two, according to Kirk of HRW, which next month will publish a major report about the paramilitaries.

With Democrats now in control of the Senate, the AUC-military ties have become politically more sensitive here, especially because of growing awareness that the AUC is at least as much involved in drug trafficking as the two main guerrilla groups. The AUC advertises, on its Internet website, that it derives about 70 percent of its revenues from the drug trade.

In July, Senate Democrats succeeded in cutting about $55 million from Bush's 2002 aid request.

The designation of the AUC as a foreign terrorist group was intended in part to convey to the Colombian army the seriousness of Washington's concern, according to knowledgeable sources.

"This shows a lot of concern in Washington and that Pastrana's policy to bring the paramilitaries under control has real sympathy here" said Michael Shifter, an Andean specialist at the Inter-American Dialogue here. "The administration is saying a lot more has to be done."

The two leftist groups -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) -- already were designated by the State Department as terrorist groups.

U.S. military and intelligence agencies active in the region provide intelligence about the insurgents' movements to the Colombian army, ostensibly in relation to drug-trafficking activities. U.S. officials said they would not comment on whether similar intelligence about AUC operations are gathered and passed along.

"Our sense is that paramilitary violence hasn't ever been a priority for the U.S.," said Gina Amatangelo, a Colombia specialist at the Washington Office on Latin America, a human rights group. "Now that they're a terrorist group, we hope this will bring about a shift in policy."

The AUC -- and its leader, Carlos Castano -- recently sent an email to U.S. Ambassador Anne Patterson, in which they argued strongly against the group's designation as a terrorist group by noting that it had never attacked U.S. targets or citizens.